Skip to content. Skip to navigation

Ian Lawrence

Sections
Personal tools
You are here: Home Blog FOSK Certificate Development at Linux Professional Institute

FOSK Certificate Development at Linux Professional Institute

I was recently invited to become a SME (Subject Matter Expert) for the development of the FOSK (Free & Open Source Knowledge) certificate for those working in civil society.

The FOSK Certification will be a single low stakes entry level exam to test the FOSS knowledge and competency level of technical and non technical staff who are responsible for the day to day computer needs of Not for Profit organizations. This professional may work as a technical person, a circuit rider, account management or technical sales, executive positions or any other role that is responsible for recommending and/or choosing FOSS solutions for an organization.


I have been working on Open Source Software for mobile phones and MID / Tablet devices.


So far I have identified the following areas:

Background


If you ask a U.S.-based activist the most important technical development of the past five years, they’ll likely tell you about the rise of citizen media, the use of blogs and Web community sites to disseminate information, organize events, and raise money. Bloggers helped make Howard Dean a contender for the democratic nomination for president in 2004, and many of the people involved with his online campaign have gone on to develop increasingly complicated software, helping support efforts towards Congressional transparency as well as political organizing. Because blogs were such a visible manifestation of political discourse, they’ve been extensively studied and reported on, which leads to a sense of the importance of these media for the campaign’s impact.

Ask an activist from the developing world the same question and you’ll get a different answer: the most important activist technology of the last five years is the mobile phone. The reasons for this are simple: for most of the world, mobile phone penetration vastly exceeds Internet usage. (In China in 2005, there were 350 million mobile phone users, and 100 million Internet users. In sub-Saharan Africa in 2004, there were 52 million mobile phone users and approximately 5 to 8 million Internet users.) While analysts in the North talk about users receiving information on three screens — the computer, the television, and the mobile — users in the South are usually looking at two screens, and users in rural areas of the South are looking at one: a mobile phone that might be shared by all the residents of a village.

Market estimates suggest that there are over 2 billion mobile phone users in the world today, heading towards 3.3 billion in 2010. The parts of the world where mobile use is growing the most quickly — the Middle East, sub-Saharan Africa and South, and Southeast Asia — are markets where the mobile isn’t a replacement for existing landline technology, but is allowing people to have a personal communications channel for the first time. 97 percent of people in Tanzania reported that they could have access to a mobile phone — their own, a friend’s, or one they could rent — as compared to 28 percent who could access a landline. (A map of mobile phone coverage in Uganda from MTN gives you a sense for how thoroughly some nations have become connected via wireless technology.)

The only technology that compares to the mobile phone in terms of pervasiveness and accessibility in the developing world is the radio. Indeed, considered together, radios and mobile phones can serve as a broad-distribution, participatory media network with some of the same citizen-media dynamics of the Internet, but accessible to a much wider, and non-literate audience. Interactive Radio for Justice, a participatory radio show in the Ituri region of the DR Congo uses SMS to let listeners ask questions about justice and human rights to a panel of Congolese and U.N. officials, who answer the questions over the air.

The questioners to Interactive Radio for Justice are anonymous. The producers ask callers not to identify themselves for fear that some pointed questions — “Are soldiers allowed to stay at my house and eat my food without paying for it?” — may lead to retribution. In general, the anonymity of mobile phones is one of the key reasons they’ve been so useful to activists. In the United States, we consider most mobiles to be highly traceable — generally, mobile users have a phone number associated with a permanent address and a credit card. But mobile phones in most developing nations are sold on a pay-as-you-go basis. Some countries require registration of a phone’s SIM card using a validated ID, but most don’t, either for the SIM or for “top-up” cards. As a result, it’s not difficult for an activist to have a single phone with multiple SIMs, one which is closely correlated with her identity and one which might be used to send messages to organize a protest or promote a cause.

Anonymity makes these protests unusually difficult for police or other authorities to block. “Smart mobs” of activists, brought to demonstrations by text messages, have led to political change in the Philippines and the Ukraine. In 2001, SMS messages about political corruption helped turn the tide against Joseph Estrada, and led to SMS-organized street protests and Estrada’s eventual ouster. (Filipino activists have organized subsequent text-based protests, many focused on lobbying for mobile phone user’s rights. The organization TXTPower started as a consumer rights’ organization and has now become active in broader political protest.) SMS messages in Ukraine helped mobilize tens of thousands of young demonstrators in the streets of Kiev in late 2004 to protest election fraud and demand a revote.

In both cases, calls to take to the streets spread organically — virally — with recipients forwarding the messages to multiple friends. Blocking the ability of a single phone to send messages would likely do little to stop the spread of the message. (Activists have discussed the wisdom of using SMS gateways, Web-based services which can send SMS messages to hundreds or thousands of phones. An argument against using gateways is the fact that they are single points of failure that could be blocked by a government anxious to stop the spread of a smart mob message.)

To stop virally spreading messages, concerned governments might order SMS networks shut down. Some Belarussian activists reported shutdowns of the SMS network in March 2006 to prevent activists in Minsk from making contact outside the capital and encouraging Belarusians in the countryside to come into the city. Similar accusations come from Ethiopian activists, who report that SMS was blocked during election protests in June 2005. Concerned about political text messages, the government of Cambodia declared a two-day “tranquility” period before governing council elections, shutting off SMS messaging and prompting accusations that the blockage was an unconstitutional limitation of speech.

Observers from the National Democratic Institute report that the Albanian government attempted to block SMS throughout their network for a week before recent elections.

[UPDATE:]The NDI recently wrote to me to say they *do not* believe the Albanian government blocked SMS before the elections there. One of the mobile providers had intermittent blockages, possibly due to their spam blocking policies, which they noticed and addressed during their tests the week before the election.


Iran may have blocked SMSs sent from Internet gateways as a way of preventing “defamation” of candidates prior to elections in late 2006.

The Shanghai police have tried another technique for controlling SMS-spread demonstrations — they used SMS messages to warn potential protesters away from anti-Japan street protests. (The technique was a mixed success — the message from Shanghai police was so ambiguously worded that some recipients took it as encouragement to protest.) Belarusian authorities attempted something similar during the October Square protests, sending SMS messages warning potential march participants about their health and safety if they appeared at marches, stating that “provocateurs are planning bloodshed.”

In smart-mob scenarios, mobile phones function as an impromptu broadcast network — if activists had access to radio stations with sufficient footprint, they could achieve similar goals by broadcasting information about rallies over the airwaves. Other activist uses of mobiles take advantage of the ability of mobile owners to create content as well as forwarding it. Activists with the pro-democracy Kefaya movement use mobile phones and their cameras to document demonstrations and other news events, including a government crackdown on Sudanese protesters in Cairo — they call, text, or use MMS to send messages to the administrator of the Kefaya blog, which compiles reports into blog posts much as a newsroom turns field reports into finished articles.

A dispersed group with mobile phones — especially mobile phones equipped with cameras — becomes a powerful force for “sousveillance.“ Coined by Dr. Steve Mann, “sousveillance” refers to the monitoring of authority figures by grassroots groups, using the technologies and techniques of surveillance. The use of mobile phones to monitor the 2000 presidential election in Ghana is a good example of sousveillance — voters who were prevented from voting used mobile phones to report their experience to call-in shows on local radio stations. The stations broadcast the reports, prompting police to respond to the accusations of voter intimidation. Had voters called the police directly, it’s possible that authorities might not have responded — by making reports public through the radio, voters eliminated the possibility of police announcing that there had been no reports of voter intimidation. Similar techniques have been used in Sierra Leone, Senegal, and even in the United States — American voters used mobile phone cameras and Websites to record reports of voting irregularities during the 2006 congressional elections.

Sousveillance has a way of trapping authority figures, even when they’re the ones holding the cameras. Egyptian blogger and activist Mohammed Sharkawy was beaten and sodomized while in police custody — his tormentors filmed the incident and threatened to humiliate him by posting the video on the Internet. The video, posted at sites like YouTube has now become a document demonstrating the brutality of Egyptian police, leading to criticism by the U.S. State Department of Egypt’s human rights record. In a future where most citizens carry cameras with them at all times and have the ability to spread them phone to phone, or by posting them to a Web site, there’s tremendous potential for sousveillance to serve as a check to people in power. (Needless to say, there are hundreds of more worrisome scenarios made possible by the same technology, including noxious phenomena like “happy slapping“.)

Mobiles are powerful because they’re pervasive, personal, and capable of authoring content. An intriguing new dimension emerges as they become systems of payment as well. Kenyan mobile company Safaricom has introduced a new system allowing mobile phone users to send money to other users of the network — it’s called M-PESA and has moved from pilot to full-scale implementation rapidly. Once Vodaphone, Safaricom’s international partner in the project, makes it possible for people outside of Kenya to deposit money into the network, it’s likely that M-PESA will become a major tool for remittance as well as for cashless payment. Activists armed with M-PESA-type phones could do more than organize a dispersed protest — they could fundraise, making it possible for groups of activists to fund the travel of an activist to a protest or the cost of leaflets. Similar projects, like Wizzit in South Africa, suggest that mobile banking is likely to become widespread in countries with a large “unbanked” population.

These mobile payment systems have a high degree of centralization and identification — M-PESA users have to register with Safaricom with a government ID. But other emerging payment via mobile systems look more like hawala, the informal money transfer system used through much of the Middle East and South Asia. Nokia anthropologist Jan Chipchase tells a story about Ugandan mobile phone users and a system called “sente”: A caller purchases mobile phone airtime cards in a major city, then calls his home village — he reads the recharge codes to the person in town who owns a mobile phone, giving her the credits to use. She enters the credits into her phone (validating the transaction), then gives a large percentage of the value of the credits to the person of the caller’s choice, usually a member of his family. Systems like this allow for virtually untraceable money transfer, unless phone card vendors are forced to check identification before selling phone cards.

Finally, it’s worth remembering that the powers unleashed by the mobile phone can affect all sides of a political situation. Protests organized by SMS helped unseat Joseph Estrada in the Philippines and bring President Gloria Arroyo to power. When Arroyo found herself embroiled in a corruption scandal involving tape recordings of phone calls to voting commissioner Virgilio Garcillano, one of the tools activists used to spread information was a ringtone. The ringtone featured a snippet of dialog between Arroyo and Garcillano and rapidly became one of the world’s most downloaded ringtones and spawning over a dozen remixed versions. The personal nature of mobile phones makes them the perfect venue for protest, even if the protest is as innocuous as having your phone chirp “Hello Garcia?” in the President’s voice every time you get an SMS. What the mobile giveth, it can taketh away.

Resources


Mobile Phones For Civic Action 


Linux compatibility, synchronization and configuration guides for mobile (cellular) phones 


The potential of cell phones to combat AIDS: Interview with Zinhle Thabethe and Krista Dong, iTeach South Africa


Default Applications on Ubuntu Mobile



App Category App Name URL

eBook Reader FBReader http://www.fbreader.org/

Camera Application Cheese http://www.gnome.org/projects/cheese/

Email Client Claws http://www.claws-mail.org/index.php

PIM Pimlico http://www.pimlico-project.org/

Dictionary Stardict http://stardict.sourceforge.net/

Video Conferencing Ekiga http://ekiga.org/

Browser Mid-browser (Mozilla/Firefox based) https://wiki.ubuntu.com/MobileAndEmbedded/Browser

Remote Desktop Client Rdesktop http://www.rdesktop.org/

Media Player Helix Based https://wiki.ubuntu.com/MobileAndEmbedded/MediaPlayer

IM/Chat Moblin Chat https://wiki.ubuntu.com/MobileAndEmbedded/Chat

Office Doc Viewer Open Office http://www.openoffice.org

RSS Reader Liferea http://liferea.sourceforge.net/

Clock Applet https://wiki.ubuntu.com/MobileAndEmbedded/Utilities

Calculator Gcalculator http://www.gnome.org/

Casual Games Foobillard, Neverball and Neverputt, Frozen bubble and gnudoku

Linux Applications for Nokia Phones

Gnu Box is a small software for your cell phone with which you can create a new Internet Connection (internet access point, connection profile, whatever you call it) on the phone. If you use this connection, the phone does not dial or connect to GPRS, but uses bluetooth (or the USB cradle) to connect to your PC. Thus you will be able to surf the web, download software/data/email/whatever you like without paying any fee to your operator.

Python for Series 60 allows developers to execute Python commands and run Python scripts and applications in devices based on Series 60 Platform. In addition, developers can execute Python commands and scripts in the emulators of Series 60 Developer Platform SDK's. Development starts with an interactive console in a Series 60 compatible device where Python commands can be executed. Alternatively, a developer can write Python scripts, install them to a device executing scripts and applications from the Python Environment." Light Blue Python Bluetooth API for Series 60

Light Blue is a cross-platform Python Bluetooth API for Mac OS X, GNU/Linux, and Python For Series 60. It provides easy programmatic access to device and service discovery, RFCOMM sockets, sending and receiving files over OBEX, service advertising, and local device information.

Nokia 5510 Linux Audio Manager allows user to manage MP3 files stored on Nokia 5510 mobile phone. It was written in Python with use of GTK+2 and Glade2 modules. The main platform for 5510lam is Linux.

V Cal One converts v Calendar version 2 data to a limited subset of vCal version 1. V Cal One can convert a calendar saved from korganizer to a format suitable for uploading to a Nokia 6820 cell phone.

Nokryptia converts MP3's to LSE files

Sis open is a tool to list and extract the content of SIS files. SIS files are installation files used in Symbian-based smartphones like many S60 Nokia phones. Sisopen is an ANSI-C program, mainly targeted at Linux and other Unix-like systems. It can be compiled on almost every system with a C compiler and zlib. Sisopen fully understand the SIS file format and is able to show conditionals, installation-time options, and much information about the SIS file, not just the file names.


Maemo

Maemo provides an open source development platform for Nokia Internet Tablets and other Linux-based devices. It is built from components widely used in open desktop and mobile systems.

The maemo SDK contains the tools needed to create and port integrated applications, replicating the Internet Tablet environment in your PC. The Hildon Application Framework is a good entry point to understand this platform.

Familiarity with GTK+/GNOME technologies and the Debian tools helps


This is still a work in progress and so any advice/help/ideas would be great







_____
tags:
Thursday, November 22, 2007 in LifeWork  | Permalink |  Comments (0)
del.icio.us   Digg   Yahoo   Google   Spurl
Blog
« December 2018 »
Su Mo Tu We Th Fr Sa
1
2 3 4 5 6 7 8
9 10 11 12 13 14 15
16 17 18 19 20 21 22
23 24 25 26 27 28 29
30 31
Categories:
Borala (4)
Bricolabs (12)
Code (57)
Estudiolivre (12)
Life (26)
MetaReciclagem (9)
Thoughts (16)
Work (41)